West Coasts: A story for my sister

Michelle Sindha Thomas

GOD’S OWN COUNTRY | THE HOUSE OF TRAVANCORE 1706-1900

III: THE MATRIARCHY

Visitors to ancient Kerala found women in court attendance—the princesses Pietro Della Valle describes were revered by the courtiers and held sway wearing “no covering of any kind except a blue cloth about their loins, their arms, ears, necks covered with ornaments of gold and precious stones.” The tropical stylings of Malayali women dismayed conservative European visitors, and they were further confounded by their implicit freedom, their elevated social status, and by the matrilineal system of inheritance that protected their assets and standing.

The kingdom of Travancore first emerged from the banks of the Narmada River around 820 CE. Engaged in defensive activities from early days, the founding members instituted a rule of matrilineal inheritance as a practical measure: As men were often off at war, their lives put to greater risk, property was held in the name of women and inherited wealth preserved in the female line. Daughters inherited property, were educated as well as their brothers, and held the right to divorce and remarry. The law of matrilineal succession was practiced beyond the Travancore clan, serving as the general custom of Hindu Nairs and other cultural groups in the region. Europeans were by turns appalled and fascinated by the customs of Kerala. James Laurence was inspired to write a twelve-volume novel, The Empire of the Nairs: An Utopian Romance, which was translated to French and German and considered an early feminist work advocating gender parity. Historian K.P. Padmanabha Manon writes: 

The position of the woman in Kerala is altogether different from that of her sister elsewhere in India. She is practically mistress of the house, whether as mother or sister of the senior male member. She has a recognized legal position. The principle of Malayali law is that the whole estate property belongs to her and the senior male is simply manager on her behalf. Her general education is on par with her brothers, and her intellectual capacity in the matter of special studies is in no way inferior. There have been and there are ladies of remarkable attainments in Kerala.

In royal matrilineal society, sovereignty passed from maternal uncle to nephew. The kings of Travancore were the sons of queens. A male child inherited the sovereignty, while his mother inherited control over revenues of the estates and power as delegated by the reigning sovereign. The royal Travancore family continued in the female line and where there were no females to maintain the lineage, princesses were adopted from a neighboring royal family. Princesses and queens of the Travancore dynasty inherited their positions from their mothers and uncles—and did not owe their status to fortunate marriage.

And so, upon the mysterious death of Balarama Varma, the kingdom of Travancore was left to his 19-year-old niece Lakshmi. According to native custom, she would rule until she could raise up a male child to take the throne, then continue as queen while he served as sovereign figurehead. By the 19th century, however, the British East India Company interfered in all matters of state, including the line of royal succession, and officials insisted that she could only serve as regent. The British attitude towards women influenced matters; they did not think a young woman could manage Travancore, even if she had been educated and brought up for this very purpose. Until the late 18th century, women in England were considered private property, with little freedom and no rights of inheritance. It is surprising the British government considered the idea of a woman even as a regent, but perhaps they decided an adolescent girl would be more pliant to their will than an energetic young male monarch like Balarama Varma, who could only be stopped by death. The new British resident, John Monro, advocated to crown Lakshmi, even warding off a distant male cousin who arrived in an effort to supplant her legal claim to the throne. At this point, there were no males left in the royal line of Travancore and the resident, who administered British colonial relations, saw great potential in what he saw as a naive local female monarch. A native queen who could maintain status quo under his protection would allow him to concentrate on commercial matters under direct British control while obfuscating Travancore’s actual loss of autonomy. Lakshmi could be his ideal protégé.

In 1811, Gowri Lakshmi Bayi became queen of Travancore. British officials hesitatingly noted the event and considered it temporary; they would only recognize a male heir to the throne. She gave birth to a son in 1813 and was asked to step down and install the infant as king. The British would acknowledge her now only as Maharani Regent, governing on behalf of the male sovereign. Gowri Lakshmi Bayi complied and the Sword of State was placed in the hands of her baby. The British were satisfied that they had a cooperative regent, but the constituents of Travancore knew that she had not surrendered her power. She reigned with unrestrained authority: legislative acts were issued in her name, currency bore her insignia, she took the throne at court. In the matrilineal system, genders were equal, and whoever held sovereignty received reverence.

Gowri Lakshmi Bayi first addressed corruption, dismissing the sitting British-appointed prime minister and appointing Resident Munro in his place, encouraging him to take on a dual role of Resident-Prime Minister. She welcomed Resident-Prime Minister Munro into the palace, extending to him freedoms no European predecessor enjoyed; Munro was an accomplished linguist, familiar with French, German, Italian, Arabic, Farsi and several Indian languages. He was an intellectual with a universally acceptable sense of morality and apparent care for the welfare of Travancore; he earned her respect and she generally welcomed his advice. She had an open, cosmopolitan mindset, and while she was cultivated within the shelter of the palace, she had the discernment and ability to resist unwelcome exertion of influence. When Munro advised that her consort, Raja Varma Koyil Thampuran, should live separately from her, she sternly refused his direction. She often sought the counsel of her consort, a poet and translator of Sanskrit, English, and Malayalam with a sense of public duty and concern for matters of state. She dignified and elevated him at a time when the male consort was expected to have no part in the kingdom’s administration, forbidden even to travel by the same vehicles or to be seated next to their royal spouse. She resisted Monro’s attempts to push her husband out of her sphere, appreciating him, celebrating him, even building a palace for his family in their hometown of Changanassery. 

In time, Gowri Lakshmi Bayi received due honor from Monro and their cordial personal relationship and mutually beneficial political alliance inspired unprecedented waves of progress that would shape the modern state of Kerala. Over five years, they embarked on a sweeping reform of the kingdom. 

To curtail growing corruption, they restructured the police and reorganized the government to remove magisterial power from village and district officers, making them subject to trial in case of misconduct. They established a modern judicial system, including a court for the trial of government servants, a court of appeal, and five district courts across the state. Each court was made up of a Hindu scholar and two judges—at least one of them Christian, emphasizing their values, restoring their social status, and encouraging them to pursue positions in public service. A secretariat system was initiated and local officials were assigned to focus on revenue collection, while the revenue department was cleared of corruption, making the collection workflow more predictable, smooth, and organized.

In an abundance of social reforms, archaic taxes were cut, oppressive taxes on festivals and inheritance of property repealed. Temple corporations that controlled land and wealth were disbanded, over 300 temples appropriated by the government and placed under a Temple Board for management. In 1812, Gowri Lakshmi Bayi abolished slavery by royal proclamation, granting immediate independence, and those oppressed by the caste system were declared independent from their lords. By 1813, a vaccination department was established in Travancore. The queen first vaccinated herself and other members of the royal family to reassure her people.

Monro held deep Anglican convictions, and moved Gowri Lakshmi Bayi to donate 20,000 rupees, timber, and 16 acres of tax-free land in Kottayam for a Church Missionary Society (CMS) school and seminary—the first theological seminary in Asia. He invited Anglican missionaries to train the Jacobites, native Christians of the Malankara Church who had long withstood the pressure of Portuguese Catholicism. Monro was fascinated by their resistance and wished to bolster them—especially because they were not Catholic. In 1814, the British East India Company began to establish evangelical Anglican missions. Seven missionaries arrived in India: two stationed in Madras, two in Bengal, and three in Travancore. A CMS School was also instituted in Alleppy. This network of schools led the way in education and laid the foundations for enduring levels of high achievement in Kerala.

The relationship between the CMS missionaries and the Jacobites was initially cooperative and mutually acceptable as the missionaries, led by earnest reverends Benjamin Bailey and Henry Baker, taught the Bible and biblical languages in the seminary. The relationship soured, however, with the arrival of later missionaries who introduced Anglican doctrine to their teaching, which led to disputes that escalated to litigation. These missionaries were officially separated from the Jacobites and went on to establish the Anglican Church in Kerala. A number of local Christians preferred their reformed, liberal ideologies and joined the Anglican Church, growing the diverse expression of Christianity in Kerala. 

CMS College in Kottayam was the first Western-style, formal institution of higher learning in India. Reverend Benjamin Bailey served as the first principal, and the first subjects offered were Malayalam, Sanskrit, Syriac, English, Greek, Latin, Hebrew, mathematics, history, and geography. The Government of India sanctioned and welcomed the new college as “a place of general education hence any demands for the state for officers to fill all the departments of public service would be met.”

Satisfied with his contribution, Monro stepped down to make way for a Malayali prime minister and resumed his original post as British Resident, allied as always with the queen. While revolutionizing Kerala, Gowri Lakshmi Bayi also gave birth to three children: Gowri Rukmini Bayi was born in 1809 and the heir, Swathi Thirunal, born in 1813, would grow up to become a prolific musician and artist. She started losing her health after the birth of Uthram Thirunal in 1814, and passed away in 1815.

*

At age 13, Gowri Parvati Bayi succeeded her sister as Maharani Regent—governing on behalf of her nephew. She continued and amplified the reforms initiated by her sister, slingshotting the kingdom into the future. She received counsel from her brother-in-law, Raja Varma Koyil Thampuran, and her husband, Raghava Varma of the storied royal house of Kilimanoor. She maintained a good relationship with Resident Monro, who sent word to British officials of her “intelligent, liberal, and ingenuous mind,” and she was soon allowed to raise an army in Travancore for the first time since the reign of Balarama Varma. The native army had been disbanded and reduced to 700 nominal guards assigned to palace security and royal ceremonies. In just two years, she convinced the British government to permit her to grow her army to 2,100 strong.

Gowri Parvati Bayi approved radically progressive acts that merit direct credit for the economy, educational system, political spirit, and general quality of life in Kerala today. She encouraged cultivation of coffee beans, tobacco, rubber, and other latent agricultural industries to boost commerce. She placed high importance on education, making it accessible—and compulsory—by means of a royal rescript for universal education issued in 1817. It states: 

The state should defray the entire cost of the education of its people in order, that there might be no backwardness in the spread of enlightenment among them, that by diffusion of education they might become better subjects and public servants and that the reputation of the state might be advanced thereby.

She herself was scholarly, studied Sanskrit, spoke fluent English, and engaged with the intelligentsia. She understood the importance of education for both societal good and individual self-improvement, as state historian R.P. Raja notes, "The women of matriarchal Kerala were voracious readers, adept at music and arts and never wasted their time. Even those that stayed home had the zeal to acquire knowledge.” The Rescript of 1817 made Travancore the first government in the world to provide a free, entirely state-sponsored education for all children. Gowri Parvati Bayi’s proclamation of 1817 is praised as the “Magna Carta of Education” in Travancore, the first formal recognition of the citizen’s right to education from public revenue. Even from an international perspective, this was a groundbreaking concept: In most countries, universal education was unavailable and most certainly not considered a basic human right, especially for girls. Schools in Travancore were expected to adhere to a systemic curriculum, encouraged by the placement of two state-funded teachers in every school. In the following years, social and religious groups competed with one another to establish countless schools, making Kerala forever famous for near 100% literacy and waves of brain drain as the overqualified candidate pool escaped the oversaturated local market for Africa, North America, or, most recently, “Gulf.” 

During her 14-year reign, Gowri Parvati Bayi made unprecedented strides in eradicating discriminatory laws based on status and religion. Christian tenant farmers were freed from services connected with Hindu religious ceremonies and exempted from work on Sundays in order to attend to their own religious duties. While growing opportunities for all to better themselves through honest work and enterprise, she addressed the oppressive traditions codified in legislation that kept people locked into visible class distinctions. She removed laws that prevented Hindus of low castes from wearing gold or silver; she likewise removed the paid licenses required of Hindus of high caste for their use of gold and precious ornaments. The queen made it clear that her people had the right to adorn themselves as they pleased. Beyond fashion, an individual’s religion and status was made manifest by laws controlling the minutiae of daily life, including the forms of transportation and architectural styles legally available to them. She passed a proclamation allowing anyone in her kingdom to tile the roofs of their houses—a shocking decision, as previous rulers did not even permit vassal nobility to tile the roofs of their palaces. She removed restrictions on the types of homes individuals were allowed to build for themselves; previously only Hindu Nairs were permitted a Nalukettu-style pillared house, and that too only after paying a prohibitive tax. Ettu Kettu, Panthrandu Kettu and other “Hindu” architectural styles were also subject to high taxes and required licenses. She abolished these taxes and granted all communities access to these exclusive architectural plans. The right to travel in palanquins, atop elephants, and in carriages was permitted to anyone as their tastes and budgets dictated.

She supported the Christian missionary enterprise and, like her sister before her, donated land for new places of worship. This tolerance encouraged parallel advances: In 1821, Benjamin Bailey established the first printing press in Kerala. This small press went on to produce texts in English, Tamil, Sanskrit, Syriac, and other languages.

By age 27, Gowri Parvati Bayi had been married three times, suffering the death of two husbands. While she did not have her own children, she raised her sister’s children with great affection and attention to their education and cultivation as future rulers. She was well versed in music and encouraged the natural talent of the heir, Swathi Thirunal. She arranged his studies so that he became fluent in Sanskrit and Malayalam by the time he was six years old, in English by the time he was seven, and while they lived under British domination, she brought him up to value Eastern culture; he went on to learn Kannada, Tamil, Hindi, Telugu, Marathi, and Farsi. He was talented in geometry, amazing his teachers and guests from abroad. Visitor Colonel Welsh describes the young Swathi Thirunal: 

He took up a book of mathematics and, selecting the forty-seventh proposition of Euclid, sketched the figure on a country slate, but what astonished me most was his telling us in English that geometry was derived from the Sanskrit, which as ‘jaw metor’ (jyamiti) to measure the earth and that many of our mathematical terms were also derived from the same source such as hexagon, heptagon, octagon … This promising boy is now, I conclude, sovereign of the finest country in India for he was to succeed to the musnud (throne) the moment he had attained his 16th year.

In 1829, Swathi Thirunal turned 16 and indeed inherited the throne. Her obligations fulfilled, Gowri Parvati Bayi willingly concluded her regency on his behalf and invested him with full sovereign powers. He honored the legacy of his mother and aunt, enacting legal reforms, refining the court system, instituting new colleges and schools, the first government-funded printing press, new land surveys, and the first official census. He championed modern medicine, marrying the best of Eastern and Western methods. Such cross-referencing was a running theme in his endeavors—finding commonalities between Western astronomy and Eastern astrological understanding of the universe, he founded an observatory with the purpose of comparing their findings. He funded an engineering department and commissioned a series of bridge building projects. He opened the State Central Library and Oriental Manuscript Library, a museum, and a zoo. He penned hundreds of Carnatic musical compositions and remained a faithful patron of the arts, even inviting musicians and artists to live in his palace. Gowri Parvati Bayi supported and applauded the nephew she raised as her own son, until she died in 1853. A hundred years later she was remembered reverentially in The Travancore State Manuel:

Her Highness was an enlightened and thoughtful ruler who illumined her reign by many humane acts of good government, the memory of which gladdened her last days [. . .] she used to refer with pride and satisfaction to her various acts of administration for the amelioration of her people [. . .]  for many acts of redress of public wrongs had been either carried out or inaugurated during her reign. This was no small achievement for a Travancore queen when we remember that in the early years of reign of Queen Victoria of England, the condition of women in England was far worse than in Travancore.

Further Reading: 

• A History of Travancore by P. Shangoonny Menon, 1878.

• Col. John Munro in Travancore by R. N. Yesudas, 1977.

• “Reforms In Modern Travancore: Contributions of Regent Rani Gouri Lakshmi Bai” by I. B. Chinthu, from International Journal of Research, vol. 5(4), 2018.

• The Travancore State Manual by T. K. Velu Pillai, vol. 2, 1940.

West Coasts: A story for my sister

Michelle Sindha Thomas

GOD’S OWN COUNTRY | THE HOUSE OF TRAVANCORE 1706-1900

II: BALARAMA VARMA

Upon the death of Rama Varma in 1798, sixteen-year-old Balarama Varma became Maharaja of Travancore. He inherited a kingdom in tumult.

Travancore had stood firm against invasion until Tipu Sultan, the “Tiger of Mysore,” attacked in 1789. Even under incomparable duress, Travancore maintained its stance: the native army was aided by monsoon rains and unsolicited reinforcements from the British East India Company. By this time, the Company had subjugated territories across India—and rulers of ancient Indian dynasties, once masters over commerce and culture, were reduced to landlords with faded titles stripped of their weight. In an effort to gain foothold in south India, the Company cited the aid they offered Travancore against Tipu Sultan and, despite opposition from young prince Balarama Varma, the 1795 Treaty of Perpetual Friendship brought Travancore under British “protection.” The treaty outlined a tributary alliance in which Travancore became a subordinate, client regime of the British East India Company, to gradually disband its own military and claims to sovereignty in exchange for protection from external threat.

As part of the Treaty of Perpetual Friendship, the Company also staked a claim in the pepper trade, demanding a cut of the royal tribute. They introduced a quasi-native, British-appointed layer of governance, selecting local prime ministers, often district officers who had held their own against royal authority. These native prime ministers were to partner with British ambassadors, called Residents, to administer control over Travancore and ensure payment of taxes to the Company.

Upon his accession to the throne in 1798, Maharaja Balarama Varma continued to oppose mounting British interference with internal state matters. British officials, meanwhile, appointed Colin Macaulay as the honorable Resident of Travancore. The Scottish colonel had already spent 30 years in India and was assigned to convince the king to accept a subsidiary alliance scheme which the British had already imposed across much of the country. Macaulay tenaciously pushed this agenda, calling for a repeal of the Treaty of Perpetual Friendship. Balarama Varma loathed the existing treaty of so-called friendship and of course refused to accept a new treaty with even more oppressive terms. He despised Macaulay’s arrogance and methodically began to attack his support system. He banished from court the British-appointed prime minister, Kesava Das, and authorized a cabal to finish him as they saw fit—he was confined to his home and later poisoned. Macaulay attempted to identify and punish the culprits, but Balarama Varma thwarted his efforts and sent a bold message in his punishment of the relatives and allies of the prime minister. Shungoony Menon states: “On a certain night they were taken by the palace guards and dragged quietly to the sea-beach where they were butchered in cold blood. Agitated witnesses were pacified by palace representatives who stated that the murdered men were ‘actually engaged in treacherous acts to give up the country to the English.’” Political order collapsed; undaunted, the British continued to advance.

Resident Macaulay demanded that Maharaja Balarama Varma subsidize the Third Anglo-Mysore War, rationalizing that his troops engaged in defense of Travancore. Financial crisis ensued as the king was forced to take loans from bankers and merchants in order to sustain a volatile arrangement beyond his capacity to fund.

The British Governor-General appointed Velu Thampi as Prime Minister of Travancore in 1799, after he earned repute for rallying forces against corruption in his district. Initially relishing his new title and power, he willingly cooperated with the Company. He supported Resident Macaulay in 1801 when he ordered the return of the Travancore troops serving in Calicut and Palayamkotta, personally informing the king that the Company would not require the aid of his army in the future. He supported Macaulay when he further proposed that Balarama Varma should subsidize another British regiment, in addition to the two battalions stipulated in the 1795 Treaty of Perpetual Friendship. This was a shock to Balarama Varma, who appealed to the Governor-General, noting that according to the Treaty of 1795, the Company had no right to propose an augmentation to their force. The Governor-General simply urged him to revise the treaty as requested and accept a subsidiary alliance. Vindicated, Resident Macaulay threatened him with consequences if he refused to comply.

Raja Balarama Varma ignored these threats, declared his intention to abide only by the existing treaty without amendment, and found great support in the royal court. To further ruffle British feathers, he circulated stories of an impending French invasion in support of Travancore. Realizing Macaulay had failed, British high officials tried another tactic and sent expensive gifts to win Balarama Varma’s goodwill. The maharaja was unmoved.

Prime Minister Velu Thampi, meanwhile, continued to curry favor with the British, seeing potential for great personal gain in the relationship, even at long-term cost to his people. He looked for ways to reduce expense, increase revenue, and advance the British cause—for instance, cutting the stipend paid to native troops during peacetime. When a section of the Travancore army revolted in response, he sought refuge with Resident Macaulay. In 1804, Velu Thampi faced the open mutiny of a coalition of Hindu Nair troops stationed across the state—a revolt powered by the palace and intended to punish him for handing his country over to the Company. Macaulay and Velu Thampi fled to Cochin and directed newly-arrived British troops to suppress the revolt. The palace faction that had fueled the uprising was identified and slaughtered.

The Nair revolt provided British authorities opportunity to finally impose the subsidiary alliance on Travancore while increasing the authority and influence of Prime Minister Velu Thampi, Resident Macaulay, and the Company in affairs of state. The subsidiary alliance specified that British troops be employed to curb internal uprisings—such as the Nair revolt—in addition to external threats. The Governor-General insisted on the conclusion of the subsidiary treaty and moved three battalions of Company troops to the borders of Travancore to ensure compliance.

By 1805, bereft of his support at court, Balarama Varma signed the subsidiary treaty. He was utterly alone, his loyal officials hanged, shot, eliminated, yet, in spite of having signed the revised treaty into effect, he continued to protest its terms. He had been coerced and the royal treasury could simply not withstand the strain of additional subsidy. The terms indebted Travancore to the British East India Company, increased British force stationed in Travancore, increased the tribute collected by the Company, all while cutting funds allocated to the State in maintaining its own standing army.

The native Christians had already long felt the loss of their privileged military role. The demand for their kalari martial art of swords and spears diminished with the introduction of firearms and European-style tactics, and military families sought alternate sources of income. Subject to increased Company interference in commerce, former traders and administrators suffered loss of status to such extent that Christians were dismissed as a generally poor and depressed community. The Hindu Nair troops, meanwhile brimming with rage and injured pride, marched to Trivandrum with a ten-thousand-man army, demanding that the king dismiss Velu Thampi as prime minister and end all dealings with the British.

Resident Macaulay worked with Velu Thampi to put down the uprising, savoring the fresh new opportunity to assert British dominance and authority. Balarama Varma wrote to the British government seat in Madras for a recall of Resident Macaulay—his request was denied. This impeachment effort made Macaulay doubly aggressive in his demands and he now began to exert pressure on Velu Thampi. While fully aware of the financial crisis in Travancore, he pressed Velu Thampi for immediate payment of tribute, reimbursement for the expense of suppressing the Nair troops, and compensation for involvement in the long-past Travancore-Mysore War of 1791.

Velu Thampi became disillusioned after Macaulay’s betrayal and by the British, whom he had considered as friends and as sincere when they said they considered “an aggression on Travancore as an aggression on themselves.” He had relied on the British, evangelized their values, and approved increased dependence on them; he was mortified upon being personally pressed for a large tribute the state could not pay.

The false claims, broken promises, and confrontations between the Company and Travancore were hurtling towards a climax, now with British-appointed anti-British Prime Minister Velu Thampi as the helm. He evaluated the situation and realized that only rebellion could break the political deadlock. With support from Maharaja Balarama Varma, Velu Thampi organized a revolt against Resident Macaulay and the Company stranglehold on Travancore. He ordered Nair officers to recruit soldiers and train them in the use of bows and arrows and firelocks. They manufactured huge quantities of weapons and sought the assistance of native and foreign powers who were similarly hostile towards the British. In a favored tactic, they circulated news that the French, Marathas, and armies from neighboring kings would soon arrive to support Travancore.

In December 1808, Velu Thampi initiated a night attack on the Residency at Cochin. Resident Macaulay escaped capture by concealing himself in a recess in the low chamber of his house. He evaded two similar assassination attempts, by which time the British government authorized a mobilization of British troops in his support. Velu Thampi roused considerable force against the Company, but hopes for outside help never materialized and his elaborate military preparations were not enough to withstand British brute force. He tried to rouse his discouraged countrymen with impassioned speeches; British forces continued their advance. Velu Thampi lost hope and fled. In 1809, a British search party surrounded his hideout at Mannadi Bhagavati temple and rather than surrender, he committed suicide.

Following Velu Thampi’s revolt, Company authorities further tightened their grip on Travancore. State armies were completely disbanded and Balarama Varma was expected to recognize the subsidiary treaty and carry it into execution. Instead, he maintained his stance against the Company, declining to pay the additional subsidy and disregarding efforts of the Governor-General to smooth relations between the two governments. Resident Macaulay fanned his fury, obsessively maneuvering to fully control Travancore, even drafting rules and regulations for internal administration post-takeover. His health, however, curtailed his ambition, and 50-year-old Colin Macaulay finally left India in 1810, reaching England “in a very emaciated and enfeebled state,” said his brother. He had been ill during the passage from India and continued to suffer bouts of sickness for the rest of his life.

The promise of a new resident did not satisfy Maharaja Balarama Varma. Even one year after the arrival of Resident John Monro, the king refused to discharge even part of the subsidy demanded by the Company.

Balarama Varma died suddenly on November 8, 1810, at the age of 28.

He reportedly died of dysentery soon after a meeting with Resident Monro. Other reports state that he was assassinated by poisoning.

During his twelve-year reign, Balarama Varma held firm in his resistance to British interference in Travancore. He took the throne as an adolescent and may have seemed reckless or even delusional in his opposition to the colonial machine, yet I find a heroic idealism in his defense of the dignity of his kingdom, his refusal of British claims upon God’s own country.

Further Reading:

Kunju, A. P. Ibrahim. “King Balarama Varma of Travancore (1798-1810).” Proceedings of the Indian History Congress, vol. 38, 1977, pp. 416–23. JSTOR, http://www.jstor.org/stable/44139098. Accessed 3 Sep. 2022.

Journal Information:

The annual journal of the Indian History Congress, entitled The Proceedings of the Indian History Congress carries research papers selected out of papers presented at its annual sessions on all aspects and periods of Indian History from pre-history to contemporary times as well as the history of countries other than India. The addresses of the General President and the Presidents of the six sections generally take up broad issues of interpretation and historical debate. The journal has constantly taken the view that ‘India’ for its purpose is the country with its Pre-Partition boundaries, while treats Contemporary History as the history of Indian Union after 1947. The papers included in the Proceedings can be held to represent fairly well the current trends of historical research in India. Thus there has been a growth of papers on women’s history, environmental and regional history. This journal has appeared annually since 1935 except for five different years when the annual sessions of the Indian History Congress could not be held.

Publisher Information:

The Indian History Congress is the major national organization of Indian historians, and has occupied this position since its founding session under the name of Modern History Congress, held at Poona in 1935. In his address the organization's first President, Professor Shafaat Ahmad Khan called upon Indian historians to study all aspects of history, rather than only political history and to emphasize the integrative factors in the past. Its name was then changed to Indian History Congress's from its second session held in 1938, and three section, 1. Ancient, 2. Medieval and 3. Modern were created for simultaneous discussions. Ever since 1938 the organization has been able regularly to hold its sessions each year, except for certain years of exceptional national crises. It is now going to hold its 77th annual session at Thiruvananthapuram, Kerala, on 28-30 December 2016. It has at present over 7,000 ordinary and life members.

West Coasts: A story for my sister

Michelle Sindha Thomas

GOD’S OWN COUNTRY | THE HOUSE OF TRAVANCORE 1706-1900

I: MARTHANDA VARMA

Prince Marthanda Varma was born in 1706 in the “Place of Prosperity”—Thiruvithamcode, later anglicized to Travancore. By the time he was born, the medieval political structure of Kerala was eroding. The Malabar coast had been fractured into many small dominions, with the southern plains governed by his father, the Rajah of Travancore. The once-powerful, ancient Travancore dynasty was perpetually undermined by threats from neighboring kingdoms and the aristocracy controlled land, temples, and politics, leaving their king powerless; he died when his son was only one year old. Under the care of his mother, the queen, Marthanda Varma grew up full of pride and righteous indignation, early on resolving to restore the House of Travancore.

Marthanda Varma reclaimed royal authority by force, inducing fear in the noble clans who had dominated the landscape for generations. He aimed to end aristocratic interference by any means necessary, bringing in Tamil mercenaries to intimidate and exert violence against the feudal lords. He was unconcerned by tradition—perhaps as one who had lost his father and a nuclear family structure early in life—announcing himself as the enemy of the aristocracy, breaking their precious conventions, slaughtering his own cousins when they failed to align with him, making it clear that he would eliminate those who would not acknowledge his supremacy. He executed those who had sided with his cousins on grounds of conspiracy at court, in one swoop bringing down 42 noble houses, halting any notion of opposition and eradicating feudalism from within his realm. He then initiated a military campaign, taking over branches of the Travancore family dynasty before moving north to dominate every kingdom and principality in his path. By 1752, Marthanda Varma reached the “lords of the sea”—the Zamorin at the port of Cochin.

The Zamorin grew to prominence in ancient times by maintaining trade relations from west Asia to China, presiding over the spice trade in Cochin and the ports of northern Kerala. They were savvy diplomats who made their territories especially hospitable to traveling merchants, easing along trade with strategic appointments. Channels for Arab trade were smoothed by Muslim port commissioners who supervised customs on behalf of the Zamorin, fixing the prices of commodities and collecting fees due to the treasury. Merchant guilds were encouraged in Zamorin territories, including those formed to benefit sailors from southeast Asia, and one organized to support west Asian Jewish, Muslim, and Christian merchants.

Since the 1500s, however, outbound shipping on the Arabian Sea had been devastated by Portuguese patrolling squadrons looking to raid and loot departing fleets. The Zamorin were continuously engaged in battle with Portuguese marauders and, in an effort to destabilize them, sought alliance with the Dutch government—promising trading facilities, storehouses, and a fort at the port of Calicut in exchange for military aid. A Dutch fleet arrived in 1604, marking the start of a Dutch presence in Kerala. A decade passed, during which they proved themselves fully unworthy allies, failing in their promises and focusing instead on their own business interests. The Zamorin appealed next to the British, who arrived in 1615. The British swiftly drafted a treaty of trade, under which they would aid the effort to expel the Portuguese from Fort Kochi and Fort Cranganore—in exchange for a factory at Calicut. They immediately exploited the situation, aggressively staking their own claims on trade; the Zamorin shut down their factory only one year later. By the 1650s, Kerala had become hapless host to a revolving door of Portuguese-Dutch-French-British visitors-turned-colonists vying for dominance in a now 150-year-old tug-o-war. In 1661, the Zamorin joined a coalition led by the Dutch, who were beginning to surface as the dominant foreign presence. Together they embarked on a series of campaigns into the 1700s until, finally, just as the west Asian merchants had been pushed out by the Portuguese, the Portuguese were fully supplanted by the Dutch.

Marthanda Varma realized that Dutch power in Kerala was rooted in their flourishing spice trade at the port of Cochin—so he strategically set out to conquer spice-producing territories supplying goods to Cochin. He moved closer and closer to the heart until 1741, when he defeated Dutch forces at the Battle of Colachel. During this battle, in an intriguing turn of events, a number of Dutch soldiers, including the Franco-Dutch Captain Eustachius De Lannoy, defected to Travancore. Marthanda Varma employed him to modernize the Travancore army, introducing new firearms, infantry, cavalry, artillery, and European war tactics to the effort, fashioning 50,000 men into a war machine. De Lannoy’s strategies aided Marthanda Varma in the expansion of his kingdom north into Zamorin territory to establish the boundaries of what would become the modern state of Kerala.

By 1743, Marthanda Varma had secured the western ports and spice producing districts of Quilon, Kayamkulam, Thekkumkur, Vadakkumkur, and Purakkad. He required a license for trade in Travancore, declaring a royal state monopoly on black pepper and other prized export goods, ensuring native control of resources and ocean trade, delivering a deathblow to Dutch commerce: any merchant participating in trade outside these parameters faced execution. To further limit European interference, Marthanda Varma granted assistance and patronage to the native Christian mercantile community, elevating them to administrators of his new order. The Christians, in turn, actively supported Marthanda Varma’s military campaigns and Travancore soon broke the Dutch stranglehold on the Malabar coast forever.

In a widely publicized ceremony, Marthanda Varma dedicated the kingdom of Travancore to the god Vishnu, declaring that he would rule from this point on only as vice-regent—to God.

This announcement inspired hope and pride in his most pious constituency but also launched a preemptive barb at would-be opposers: Any move against the king would be, effectively, a move against God, calling forth divine wrath. Bold offensive moves on the part of Marthanda Varma or his successors could be framed as efforts to preserve the kingdom of God. Ever since this dramatic dedication, Malayalis declare that they are of “God’s Own Country”—sometimes with great reverence (as in the case of Nani who told us that it would be very difficult for us to learn Malayalam as teenagers; it was the angels’ tongue, she said, originating in God’s Own Country), sometimes tongue-in-cheek, eyes rolled to heaven (in the case of Mama and Papa when lamenting the petty politics of Kerala society, the heat, the wet, the bumper-to-bumper traffic.

Trivandrum became a prominent city during the reign of Marthanda Varma, and still serves as the Kerala state capital. As the king expanded his dominion, conquering chiefdoms up the coast, artists and scholars from annexed regions migrated to Trivandrum, cultivating it into a cultural center. Marthanda Varma gave patronage to a variety of art forms and appointed artists including Ramapurathu Warrier and Kunchan Nambiar as court poets. He fortified the kingdom, undertaking irrigational works, building roads and canals to ease travel, encouraging selected foreign trade channels under native management. Even as he modernized the kingdom, however, Marthanda Varma recognized the persistent threat of colonialism, observing British ascent in key cities across the subcontinent. He learned from the example of the Zamorin: they had taken a hostile position against early European colonists and lost not only their kingdom but their entire way of life. Marthanda Varma decided to cooperate with the British to avoid losing all he had built on behalf of his people, or worse, decimation. He instead crafted a collegial relationship with the British, India’s new rulers, and by means of strategic policies and alliances he shielded Kerala from the sharpest impact of the struggle that would overwhelm India for centuries to come.

In 1758, before his quiet death, Marthanda Varma issued seven injunctions for political survival to his heirs, including a mandate that relations with the British East India Company should be maintained at any risk, that transparency and full confidence with them should be maintained, and that full confidence should be placed in support of the alliance. Marthanda Varma's visionary policies protected Kerala and set a precedent continued by his successors, who offered Malayalis the rewards of modernity and a living standard superior to other parts of India—directly reflected in the educational levels, health and wellness, and environmental stewardship of present-day Kerala. The long reign of Marthanda Varma’s immediate successor, Rama Varma, from 1758–1798, is considered a golden age during which he retained territorial gains, encouraged social development, and increased material prosperity in Kerala. New concepts such as communism and radical social reforms were explored, along with an encouragement of religious and ideological variety; while the royal family were devout Hindus, they donated land and material for the construction of Christian churches and Muslim mosques. In the name of progress, however, many of the distinctions that marked Kerala as unique from the rest of India were abandoned by a people who looked to the future and increasingly outward for inspiration. The growing British population of administrators, missionaries, and settlers imposed a Victorian morality upon the traditional Kerala lifestyle. In parallel, revolutionaries forging resistance to British cultural domination urged Indians to set aside regional allegiances in favor of a unified national identity, a key weapon in their common struggle for independence.

West Coasts: A story for my sister

Michelle Sindha Thomas

GOD’S OWN COUNTRY | KERALA 1100-1653

There exists a place maybe we should call home. At the tip of a continent, once upon a time and far, far away: Kerala, of rubber trees and coconut palms and ginger and garlic and chili pepper and professors and preachers and nuns and drunkards and aunties and uncles and nun aunties and drunk uncles. When we visit, I feel nearly whole; we drink the water our great-great-great-great grandparents and the dinosaurs drank.

By 1100, the Thekkumkur dynasty governed the Malabar coast, their royal house protected by a fort called Thaliyikotta. Their kingdom was attacked and destroyed only after centuries of dominance, and remnants of 15th century palaces and the fort remain even today in a district now called Kottayam, meaning “sheltered by the fort.” Kottayam—where you were born, where I was born, where both Papa and Mama were born, where our grandparents, and their parents were born—was indeed sheltered, set inland, off the coast, tucked away between mountains and a lake, and this is probably why our ancestors survived relatively unscathed by the European colonialism that ravaged the subcontinent for five hundred years.

Portuguese explorers led by Vasco da Gama arrived in 1498. They came hot off the Crusades, in search not only of spices, but also of the fabled Christians described by Marco Polo. They hoped to convince and enlist these brethren to join forces with them against the Muslims—in a grand scheme to take Jerusalem. Note that these early explorers represented the most hardscrabble of European society; convicts and criminals and those with nothing to lose and everything to gain by setting sail on violent seas for a possible pot of gold at the edge of the world. They landed in Kerala and found a thriving Christian community, just as Marco Polo had reported, and approached them eagerly—expecting wide-open arms.

They were met with general indifference. People from Kerala have long held a reputation for stubbornness and cynicism; the native Christians were business-minded, deeply engaged in trade, and generally integrated with a society that was more tolerant, less polarized, and more cosmopolitan than Europe of the Crusades. Arab and west Asian traders had constant presence in the markets of Kerala and east Asian traders brought huge junks to the ports, even establishing a Chinese-Indian-Malay community in Calicut. The Christians interacted so freely with non-believers that an observer stated, “There is no distinction either in their habits, or in their hair, or in anything else, betwixt the Christians of this diocese and the heathen.” The “heathen”—primarily Hindus—had a relatively liberal lifestyle that scandalized the foreigners. Women had great personal freedom, wrote Duarte Barbosa, ruefully, “the Nair princesses do not marry, nor have fixed husbands, and are very free and at liberty in doing what they please with themselves.” Women ran estates and kingdoms in their own right; they were educated and often trained in the art of warfare. One rajah maintained a palace guard of 300 female archers and commissioned songs in honor of these heroines punishing villains with their prowess. Royal women moved about freely in Kerala, unrestricted by purdah then common in other parts of India, commanding respect, acting with authority, participating in business affairs that were reserved for men in less inclusive societies. The Portuguese colonists anticipated such exotic behavior from the tales of early travelers and Marco Polo, but to find a people so utterly disinterested in them, dismissive of their efforts to negotiate diplomatic dealings, indifferent to the trinkets they peddled at market, rajahs laughing them out of court when they attempted to pave the way forward with gifts: What could Manavikrama, Maharajah of Calicut, have wanted with Vasco de Gama’s offering of “twelve pieces of cloth, four scarlet hoods, six hats, four strings of coral, six wash-hand basins, a case of sugar, two casks of oil, two of honey”? A vassal advised him that “even the poorest merchant from Mecca, or any other part of India, gave more, and if he wanted to make a present it should be in gold.”

The Portuguese traders resorted to strong-arming, piracy, and violence, rebuffed on all sides and especially offended by the Christians who refused to support both their efforts in trade and mission. The native Christians proudly claimed a tradition more ancient than the Roman Catholicism of the Portuguese and had never even heard of the Pope, the very father of the Catholic Church. When the Portuguese went so far as to assert that churches of Kerala belonged to the Pope, they scoffed, “Who is the Pope?” At first, the Portuguese were shocked—then they became enraged.

With the same violence the foreign aggressors exerted to insert themselves in trade so far from home, they punished the resistance of the native Christians with focused persecution. They declared them heretics, citing the adoption of Hindu elements in their worship, including the teaching of reincarnation and practice of astrology, their places of worship architecturally modeled on temples and adorned with carvings of elephants and dancing girls. They bristled at the idea that a bare-chested, tropical people could maintain Christian traditions predating the arrival of Christianity in Portugal. When efforts to compel them to accept Catholicism and denounce the rites of their ancestors failed, Portuguese Jesuits began to aggressively impose their dominion and force conversion on threat of death. In the 1500s, they led a campaign to destroy the documentation of the native Christians and a systematic inquisition set fire to their historical records. Until then, the Christian minority had successfully resisted political pressure from Hindu and Muslim rulers; the Portuguese attack intended to strike beyond political alliance—to crush their core spiritual and cultural identity. By 1599, the Synod of Diamper Latinized the East Syriac Rite followed by the native Christians, replacing their tradition with Latin vestments, rituals, and customs and formally bringing all Indian churches under the Roman Catholic Church. 

In the 1600s, the native Christians mobilized and began to write letters appealing to foreign patriarchs for support against the Portuguese Roman Catholic administration. A representative of the Syriac Orthodox Church, Ahatallah, heard their call. He was a dynamic, charismatic figure who had spent time in Italy, Persia, Syria, and Egypt. In 1652, he landed finally in India, announcing himself as the “Patriarch of the Whole of India and China.”

The outraged Portuguese colonial authorities declared him an imposter and swiftly put him in custody of the Jesuits. He had brief opportunity to meet with native Christian leaders who accepted him as their patriarch, desperately embracing him and his connection to Syria to free themselves from Portuguese domination. The Jesuit priests alerted the authorities to Ahatallah’s activities and quietly put him on a ship headed up the coast. 

Thomas, a native Christian named after the apostle, led a militia north to the port of Cochin, demanding to meet with Ahatallah, to discuss his credentials at the very least. The Portuguese authorities deemed his case irrelevant, saying no patriarch could be legally assigned to India without the approval of the Roman Catholic Pope, and that he was already gone from Kerala, en route to the Catholic stronghold of Goa. Ahatallah never reached Goa.

The disappearance of their Syrian savior was the last straw for the native Christians and in 1653, at a meeting in Mattancherry, they swore never to obey the Portuguese again, consecrating Thomas as their leader and bishop. They disowned the Roman Rite, initiating services in their mother tongue of Malayalam, reviving the suppressed tradition. This formal schism added complexity to the increasingly diverse Kerala Christian community. In addition to the Knanaya Christians who traced their roots to Syria, and Nazaranee Christians who traced their worship to the apostle Thomas, Kerala was now home to a Portuguese-Indian population and a large Catholic following. They all now had opportunity to decide whether to remain loyal to the Catholic Church of the Portuguese or to take a stand against it and align with the newly formed Malankara Church of Kerala.

Christians have always been a minority in India, but we have survived waves of persecution that rise again as we speak, in the form of nationalists who, understandably, associate Christianity with colonialism and view it as a threat to Indian culture, forgetting that pure Christianity originated in Asia, forgetting its deep and ancient roots in Kerala. Centuries of active erasure means our history takes the form of legend and oral legacy. The original Hebrew-Christian Kerala lifestyle, remnants of ancient customs, songs, and forms of worship, are preserved in the rural backwaters where early believers must have fled, in areas difficult for oppressors to reach, persisting against all odds.

Further Reading:

• The Ivory Throne: Chronicles of the House of Travancore, Manu S. Pillai, 2015.

West Coasts: A story for my sister

Michelle Sindha Thomas

GOD’S OWN COUNTRY | MALABAR COAST 1-1100 AD

Even in India, we are a minority people.

The state of Kerala takes a tiny space on the Indian map, and the bouncy, bubbling, idiosyncratic language, incongruous tendency towards both Communism and Christianity, and coconut-heavy cuisine are exotic to the rest of the country, let alone the world. Christians make up less than two percent of the Indian population, yet account for 18 percent of the population of Kerala. Of that 18 percent, Jehovah’s Witnesses, our progenitors with their unique principles and belief system within (and often at odds with) Kerala culture, account for a minuscule portion. This is our heritage and our demographic, Cherie baby, my fellow can’t-speak-the-language-stop-asking-me-questions baby: We have never, at any point in our known history, been part of a mainstream. The righteous indignation of the underrepresented is lodged deep in our DNA. Add to that quick temper a taste for sticky sweet and killer heat (and nothing in between), propensity for heart disease and emotional distress, a skeptical nature, big hips, and a head for business—and you have the baseline genetic code for a child of Kerala.

Kerala takes its name from the first-century Chera dynasties who governed the west coast of India, nature-worshiping people who held poets and musicians in high regard. They organized themselves according to clans based on geography and profession—hill people, forest people, farmers, guards, warriors, traders, seafarers. The Cheras engaged in foreign trade, and evidence of long-standing collaboration with west Asian, Chinese, Greek, and Roman merchants is regularly unearthed near the site of an ancient harbor at Muziris. A Tamil poetic text, the Purananuru, describes the Chera trade hub of Muziris as a buzzing metropolis:

With its streets, its houses, its covered fishing boats, where they sell fish, where they pile up rice—with the shifting and mingling crowd of a boisterous river-bank where the sacks of pepper are heaped up—with its gold deliveries, carried by the ocean-going ships and brought to the river bank by local boats, the city of the gold-collared Kuttuvan (Chera governor), the city that bestows wealth to its visitors indiscriminately, and the merchants of the mountains, and the merchants of the sea, the city where liquor abounds, yes, this Muziris, where the rumbling ocean roars, is given to me like a marvel, a treasure.

Muziris since declined, until it was completely destroyed by floods, but during the reign of the Cheras it was a thriving urban center: goods from inland were brought down the Periyar River for distribution and the harbor drew traders from distant parts of the ancient world, including Jewish merchants who first arrived during the reign of the prosperous Hebrew King Solomon, acquiring for him silver, gold, gems, teak, ivory, spices, monkeys, peacocks. They established settlements at Muziris and key points along the Periyar River, engaging in trade over the following centuries while maintaining their unique identity and faith.

In 30 AD, Jesus was impaled in Israel under the Roman empire, and his followers increased efforts to spread his teachings. News of his acts reached India with the traders and persistent legend maintains that the apostle Thomas landed in Muziris in 52 AD in the company of a Jewish merchant. In the first century, contact between Rome and India was regular, even extensive; the Romans had realized the strategy of sailing with the monsoon, reducing travel to only 40 days. By the time of this journey, about 200 Roman trading vessels were visiting India each year—analysis of Roman coin hoards at Muziris shows that the Roman spice trade peaked in the first century AD, building up under Augustus and climaxing under Nero. During this period, Thomas would have had greater ease of access to India than at any other time up until the arrival of the Portuguese in 1498. Thomas focused on visiting the Jewish settlements, preaching in Jewish colonies along the Periyar River and tributaries along the coast until his death in 72 AD. The faithful maintain that their ancestors were taught by Thomas and hold fast to oral histories and customs that reflect the particular Hebrew Christianity he would have shared, obeying Jewish food laws, performing circumcision, observing Passover. In remote areas that were insulated from later generations of European missionaries, services to this day are partly sung in Aramaic, the language spoken by Thomas and Jesus.

Early Christian travelers from west Asia and Europe were enthusiastic about the promise of India: a fertile land with generous people relatively tolerant of their faith and ripe for conversion. By the third century, there was a substantial Christian population in India, but an organized presence dates to the arrival of settlers and missionaries from Persia around 200-300 AD. Further growth is attributed to the arrival of Christians from Syria led by Knai Thoma: a formerly Jewish, Christian merchant who brought 72 families to India with him. The colonists received land to settle south of the Periyar River, near the trading hub of Muziris, and strictly maintained their exclusive culture, socializing and marrying within their own group. They had little interest in proselytizing and focused on the reason they came to India: commerce. The native Christians, however, viewed the Syrians as patrons: placing themselves under the bishop who arrived with them, adopting their religious practices and the Syriac language for worship. These two groups of early Christians in Kerala became known as Syrian Christians for their historical and religious connection to the Church of the East. Christians in Kerala are to this day identified by lineage as Knanaya Christians (tracing back to Knai Thoma) or Nazaranee Christians (tracing back to the apostle Thomas and Jesus of Nazareth); those taught by later waves of Catholic and Protestant missionaries are identified as Latin Christians (who observe the Roman Rite) or Puthu (New) Christians.

By 900 AD, the Syrian Christians integrated with Persian Christian migrant merchants to become a powerful trading community, granted privileges to promote revenue generation by the Hindu rulers of the Venad dynasty. In allying with the Christian traders, the Venads aimed to undermine the Buddhist and Jain traders who rivaled them for religious and political power. The Venad kingdom was based in Quilon, described by Marco Polo during his visit in the 1200s:

The people are idolators though there are some Christians and Jews among them…merchants come here from Manzi (south China) and Arabia and the Levant (west Asia) and ply a thriving trade, for they bring various products from their own countries by sea and export others in return.

He moves up the Malabar coast toward Muzris and continues:

In this kingdom there is a great abundance of pepper and also of ginger, besides cinnamon in plenty and other spices, turbit and coconuts. Buckrams are made here of the loveliest and most delicate texture in the world. Many other articles of merchandise are exported. In return when merchants come here from overseas, they load their ships with brass, which they use as ballast, cloth of gold and silk, sendal, gold, silver, spikenard, and other such spices…you must know that ships come here from very many parts, notably from the great province of Manzi, and goods are exported to many parts.

Marco Polo wrote these tales decades after his travels, while imprisoned in Europe with a Romantic writer named Rustichello da Pisa. With such nostalgic distance, and Rustichello’s artful flourish, he most certainly exaggerated his adventures, but he did describe certain elements of life in India with keen observation and accuracy. Take, for example, his description of the coconut:

The Christians who guard the church have many palm-trees that yield wine and also such as bear coconuts. One of these nuts is a meal for a man, both meat and drink. Their outer husk is matted with fibres, which are employed in various ways and serve many useful purposes. Under this husk is a food that provides a square meal for a man. It is very tasty, as sweet as sugar and as white as milk, and is in the form of a cup like the surrounding husk. Inside this food is enough juice to fill a phial. The juice is clear and cool and admirably flavored. When a man has eaten the kernel, he drinks the juice. And so from one nut a man can have his fill of meat and drink.


Marco Polo’s delicious tales piqued European hunger and soon explorers were looking for a way to reach the waterfalls dripping with diamonds, the dancing temple girls (“their breasts do not hang down, but remain upstanding and erect”), the exotica flora and fauna (“What more need I say? Everything there is different from what it is with us and excels both in size and beauty.”). Missionaries joined these voyages, hoping to commune with the native Christians and Jews, and of course to save the souls of Muslims (“Saracens”), Hindus, Muslims, Jains, and Buddhists (“idolators”).

Further Reading:

• The Customs of the Kingdoms of India, Marco Polo, translated by Ronald Latham, 1958.

• The Indo-Roman Pepper Trade and the Muziris Papyrus, Frederico De Romanis, 2020.

• Where the Rain is Born: Writings About Kerala, edited by Anita Nair, 2002.

• In Search of Doubting Thomas, William Dalrymple, 2000.

West Coasts: A story for my sister

Michelle Sindha Thomas

GOD’S OWN COUNTRY | SAN FRANCISCO 2021

I never told you because I knew you’d be mad at me for trying to fly during the pandemic, but 547 days into it, I was so lonely I couldn’t bear it anymore:

Papa survived Covid and Mama survived a blood clot that went to her lung. They had taken care of themselves and not given us a chance to help them, not even told us until the danger had passed. I wish I could have gone to India to help them, Cherie, I wish we would have known, but now that we knew, I wanted to see them before a second wave emerged.

Mama told me her friends had started traveling and that Air India had direct flights from SF to India. I was still working from home, pounding away through breakfast, lunch, dinner and into the night with no separation between work and home, time and space. I heard a rumor that we’d return to the office in June and thought this might be the last window of opportunity to work from India. I’m sorry, Cherie, but you just don’t make it easy for me to talk to you. You are the ant and I am the grasshopper, not that we would have it any other way.

I booked the ticket and spent hours on the phone trying to figure out the appropriate tests to take before travel and to identify any other hoops to jump through. I wanted nothing from this trip but to be with Papa and Mama and packed only a carry-on with a new phone for Mama, lots of chocolate, their favorite American vitamins and medicines, and my neck pillow. “Bring a sari,” Mama said, “What if there is an occasion?” Absurd. “We can take a road trip!” Papa said, also absurd; both oldies ready to party and entertain and gloss over the trauma they had just endured. “No,” I said, flatly, “I just want to stay in with you.”

The day of the flight, delay notifications began to trickle in and continued even as I headed to the airport. Still, looking at the sun setting over San Francisco, I felt snug, content, with my single bag and all-black outfit from socks to mask, compact, ready for a long sleep on the flight, thinking of what snacks to buy during the layover in Delhi, longing to reach Cochin and sit on the verandah in the heat with Mama in her polka-dotted housecoat, her legs swinging, Papa swatting at mosquitos and reading a Malayalam paper aloud to us or silently scrutinizing the overhead fan remote, the white noise whir of the fan, the thick blanket of heat imposing such languor I would not be able to do anything more productive than flip through the stack of Vogue India magazines Mama saved for me over the past two years, the chatter of kids having a hula-hooping contest in the neighboring courtyard, of horns and traffic on Seaport-Airport Road.

The Air India check-in counter was deserted. I wandered around looking for help. An airport cleaner told me all flights had been canceled. Another corrected her and said there were still a few departing flights, I just had to wait for the counter to open. I sat still for an hour in the silent terminal. A few Indian people started to drift in and sit nearby, all of them in family groups, and I felt my expectation gather and rise at the thought of seeing Mama and Papa and even Michael Percy and Mamiyamama. Fancy that!

The Air India staff began to appear in their modern-modern retro-futuro outfits, their not-quite-flesh-colored stockings and pumps that made them lean forward a bit, crisp polyester hats and sprayed stiff hair, thick flesh-toned foundation not intended for Indian flesh. They strode past and ignored us gathered travelers, humbly bundled and masked and shielded for the journey ahead, hearts hurt over various losses in India, drawn by attachments so powerful that we were risking our health to close the distance. As soon as the stanchion was put aside, I bounded up to the counter, ahead of the lumbering families. A local girl glanced at my documents. She took my passport, said, “One moment,” without eye contact and went to the back. Another returned, an Indian girl around my age who looked and sounded like our favorite sourpuss cousin. She took one look at me and said:

“Now is not the time for tourism.”

“What?”

“There is a pandemic. You have a tourist visa. This is not the time for tourism.” I don’t know if it was my name or the fact that she couldn’t see much of my Indian face in my Covid travel regalia, but she spoke condescendingly, as if I was a random American who decided now was the right time for an eat-pray-love.

“My parents live in India! I am going to see my parents.”

“No. You can only travel if you have an emergency visa.”

“What? You mean all those people standing in line have emergency visas?”

“Yes, or they are Indian citizens, with Indian visas.”

“I have to go to India,” I nearly shouted. “Why didn’t anyone tell me this earlier? I have been on the phone almost 24 hours over the past two weeks trying to figure out what I needed to do in order to take this trip!”

“It is on our website.”

“It is NOT! You have nothing on your website, that’s why I’ve been calling and calling and sitting on hold forever and now this?!”

She pulled up her phone and tried to find the requirement on the Air India site. Since nothing was there, she went to the Indian consulate website, and buried under many tabs and parentheses on a linked PDF there was an instruction about emergency visas.

“How was I supposed to see this? I registered my passport information early! How did I get this far along in the process? Why did I have to find out this way? My parents almost died, and there were no flights and now there are! I need to see my parents!” A supervisor arrived and repeated the disappointing news. I was sweating under all my travel gear and marched off angry, tears welling.

I flung myself down to call Mama and Papa and tell them I still couldn’t see them. When they picked up, I wept and cursed and ridiculed the modern-modern English of the ticketing agents and retold the whole conversation at top volume within their earshot and cried some more to the point of hiccups. I felt so trapped and so alone, prevented so roughly from seeing the two people I love most and who love us the most.

Of all the stories in the world, one belongs to you and me especially, baby doll. Without this story, there would be no you and me. This is the story of how we came to be.

West Coasts: A story for my sister

Michelle Sindha Thomas

THE FUTURE | LOS ANGELES 2025

For some reason, I imagine I’m telling you this story in LA. We are on Venice Beach, under a huge blue umbrella. My feet are in the sun and I’m lying on my back. You are on your tum-tum and only half listening. I’ve finally found someone good to love and he is out with your husband on an ice run that has turned into a hunt for perfectly-designed snorkels. I don’t know why we are in LA but I think we have made a plan to meet and actually spend time together. We have made no specific plans (so often the source of our fights); we are at that point where we’ve seen it all, done it all, all our fears have manifested and still we’ve survived. You yawn, turn on your elbow and say, as when you were seven years old: “Tell me a rusty red tricycle story.”